Linus Mbajo, C.s.s.p.
The Significance of Subsidiarity and Solidarity on Justice to the "Poor":
Challenging Structural Adjustment Policies and Strategies in Tanzania


The fruits of the stretching world market to countries like Tanzania over the last fifteen years since the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), cannot be denied. One must appreciate the improvement of the systems of communication and luxurious buildings especially in the major cities of Tanzania.

And yet in the same urban localities of Tanzania, most people will find it extremely hard to appreciate the mere beauty of buildings and other related external manifestations of development through SAPs. Most people live in marginal areas of cities in appalling conditions of poverty. The introduction of SAP policies and strategies in Tanzania has affected the social services especially education and health sectors. This has given rise to low wages and unemployment leaving the masses in sheer poverty.

However, it is important to note that poverty becomes a serious issue when the state becomes a shield of, and takes part in, the IMF and World Bank hindering citizens’ participation in SAPs policy formulation and the manner in which they are implemented. On this note, I will argue that despite SAPs achievements, development policy formulation by the state and international institutions is exclusive and exploitative of the poor; this accelerates, instead of mitigating, the poverty situation in Tanzania. Hence I will attempt to show that through the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity the Church has a role to play in challenging oppressive structures and liberate the poor.

The first section of this essay concerns the SAPs strategies and policies for poverty reduction in Tanzania, showing their achievements. The second section will lay out the exploitative and oppressive techniques employed by both the leaders of the international financial institutions and the Tanzanian state’s governors. In the third section, I will use a Dar-Er-Salaam as a study case giving the real picture of poverty in urban Tanzania. The fourth section will endeavour to explain the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity as models for challenging the unjust social structures. The concluding section of theological response will give some light to the way forward pertaining to the issues under discussion.

1. Structural adjustement strategies and policies for poverty reduction in Tanzania

Structural Adjustment Programmes are programmes designed by the World Bank and IMF, in response to the economic crisis usually in developing countries. According to Lugalla, the main Structural Adjustment strategies and policies include:

… adjusting the economy in order to properly manage the balance of payments, reducing fiscal deficits, increasing economic efficiency and encouraging private sector investments and export-oriented production … the major principles of SAPs include the control of money supply, devaluation of the local currency, reduction of public borrowing and government expenditure, (particularly in education and health). Other measures include trade liberalization, reduction of tariffs, creation of a conducive environment for foreign investments, abolition of price controls, privatization of parastatals, withdrawal of subsidies, retrenchment of workers and, above all, democratization, which is generally understood to mean multiparty politics.

Given their socio-economic crises, most African countries, since early 1980s "have been forced to implement these measures as a pre-condition to aid and loans from the IMF, the World Bank, and other donor agencies". Since early 1970s, Tanzania happened to be in an economic crisis and it was one of the poorest African countries in the world. For this reason "Tanzania signed an agreement with the World Bank and the IMF in 1986 to adopt SAPs. The various programmes include the Economic Recovery Programme One (ERP 1) in 1986, ERP II, Economic and Social Action Plan (ESAP) and the Priority Social Action Plan (PSAP) in 1989".

With immediate effect these measures were implemented and Tanzania is said to have improved economically over the last four years. Lugalla writes:

some parts of Tanzanian cities show evidence of developmental efforts, planning or management initiatives. Multi-story buildings are changing the urban geography of Tanzania. The winds of modernization and dependency have increased their speed to the extent that even Sheraton Hotel chain has found a home in Tanzania. Luxurious buildings have mushroomed in beach zones like Msasani, Mikocheni, Kawe, Mbezi, and Tegeta in Dar-el-Salaam. Airports have been rebuilt and expanded in order to suit the Western model. The number of luxurious air-conditioned cars… fitted with telephones, video and television sets has increased.

In other words, the improvements in communication systems listed above, including the Internet, are an indication of the achievements of SAPs in Tanzania. However, despite these improvements under the SAPs, most people’s living condition deteriorate especially in the urban areas of Tanzania like Dar-Es-Salaam.

2. The hindrance and suppression of the voice of the "poor"
As far as Tanzania is concerned, there are cases where the state and international institutions do not recognise, but instead hinder small development groups from participating in SAPs policy making and supress them when they rise to challenge the negative impacts of those policies and strategies formulated from above. Such tendencies accelerate poverty, despite the introduction of SAPs over fifteen years ago in Tanzania.
a) The hindrance of citizen’s participation in the SAPs policy making
The chief makers of SAPs strategies hardly take into account the participation of the people for whom development is intended. They maintain secrecy from small development groups in specific poor states. They form policies and strategies and implement them with heavy conditions on the countries that have accepted to introduce SAPs. This indicates the hidden exploitative nature of international financial institutions - IMF and World Bank - towards the "poor" states through SAPs.
Preparation of Poverty Reduction Strategy Programme, (PRSP), "which is a three-year national development strategy, is a new pre-condition for low-income governments seeking assistance from donors and creditors, especially the IMF and World Bank." The Government of Tanzania (GOT) prepared its PRSP with "citizens who participated in zonal and national workshops", with some "input from foreign creditors and donors" in the years 2000 to 2001. We are told that most willingly and without delay, the Executive Boards of the IMF and World Bank endorsed this national strategy. It is unusual for the IMF and World Bank "to endorse a borrowing country’s entire national plan." This indicates that these "institutions have seized these powers in the name of enhancing ‘country ownership’ of the development process".
However, the problem arises when the PRSP lacks credibility from citizens, who detect lack of democracy and transparency in its operation. The remark is made in SAP ALERT that "PRSP lacks credibility because key economic reform and structural adjustment policies were negotiated outside of the PRSP process and without the knowledge and consent of citizen’s groups".
Key macroeconomic and structural adjustment issues were addressed in secret negotiations, occurring in parallel to the PRSP consultations. Citizens that buy and sell and pay taxes were excluded from discussions about whether or how the economy of Tanzania will be liberalized, privatized and increasingly oriented to produce exports. Policies, such as those relating to the price of money and goods, taxation options, trade liberalization, and the privatization of key state-owned enterprises were not the focus of the PRSP consultations.
According to the SAP ALERT, behind "closed doors, the IMF and World Bank push these policies on a government which is ‘on its knees’ and desperate for foreign exchange". These negotiations "relating to PRSPs and adjustment conditions" undermine "domestic consensus-building processes".
We are told, in addition, that without taking into consideration the citizens’ opinions, only government officials negotiated the several plans of action concerning economic reform with the IMF and the World Bank during the first half of 2000. Such arrangements, secretive and exclusive of the intended people signal the extent of exploitation of these international institutions. The poor states like Tanzania, that should work hard to improve the welfare of its citizens, inevitably are forced to be part of the world market’s oppressive conspiracy leaving the masses under sheer poverty.
Such secretive business carried out by the international organisations in co-operation with the state, deprives the "poor" citizens of democracy. These structures block their "power" or freedom of expression. This form of injustice accelerates poverty conditions in Tanzania. There should be a realisation that citizens have the right to take part in making "public policies through open and democratic analysis, debate, and consensus-building. They have the right to hold their government accountable for its performance, including its commitments to foreign creditors and donors". If there can be no secretive violation of these rights, small developmental organisations intending to improve their livelihood would achieve their goal.
Furthermore, the international financial institutions are full of creative yet exploitative strategies and techniques with the intention of maximising the profit of the super economic powers clearly evident through an imposition of debt relief conditions on the poor countries. According to SAP ALERT, those conditions may not appear in the PRSP, but are well timed to appear during borrowing and debt relief operations. On the one hand, failure to comply with such conditions ends up with the imposition of economic sanctions on the nation. On the other hand, a blind or an inevitable compliance with those conditions, leads the poor nations, Tanzania being one of them, into oppressive tendencies against their poor citizens.
Indeed, it is regrettable to see that the state depicts its internal exploitative nature by taxing the very poor people in order to pay the debts, and yet when there is a debt relief, these tax payers do not know where the money goes. In fact, the money goes into the hands of the rich minority. Given this corruption and oppression by the government, it would be a mistake for one to blame only the international organisations, IMF and World Bank. Instead of siding with these institutions in blocking and oppressing poor nations, the Government of Tanzania should co-operatively allow the voice of its citizens to rise democratically in challenging these institutions on policy formulations.
There are more direct consequences of SAPs policies noticed when the government is forced to direct a minimal budget on education and health services. In connection to this minimal budget to these services, the government has not but to impose cost-sharing "(i.e., new fees for services) in schools, health care centers and hospitals, which … continue to rob vulnerable communities of essential health and educational services". Consequently, workers like teachers and doctors get too low salary to sustain their lives. As a result, those workers render poor service and others seek jobs in private hospitals, or even migrate to other countries looking for better jobs. Many patients die when doctors go on strike or lack commitment and run away from their jobs due to discouragement. Matters become worse when citizens organise small groups to challenge the SAPs oppressive strategies but the state’s government use an "iron hand" to suppress and silence them.
b) The suppression of citizens’ organisations from challenging SAPs policy strategies
If examined carefully the conditions imposed by the IMF and the World Bank may be said to do more harm than good to poor citizens of countries like Tanzania. Many of them have the talents and initiative to form groups in solidarity with, and support of, the government in order to improve their living standards. Unfortunately, the government rarely co-operates with, but suppresses their rights to know how policy conditions are formulated.
Professor Marjorie Mbilinyi, a member of an organisation known as TANZANIA GENDER NETWORKING PROGRAMME (TGNP), gives a testimony of her experiences of government’s suppressive force in cooperation with the representatives of the international economic organisations. Mbilinyi reports:
A peaceful demonstration was organised by local activist NGOs at the meeting sites of the heads of the IMF and the World Bank and the presidents of ten Eastern and Southern African countries on … February 23, 2001. The activists were moved to hold a demonstration because of the exclusion of civil society organisations in the talks, and the desire to express their views in as public a manner as possible…. Some of the placards read: ‘Why do IMF and World Bank rob the poor to pay the rich?’ ‘end debt slavery’.… ‘We want total debt cancellation’.
Here, Mbilinyi echoes and reiterates Lugallo’s observation of how the state taxes the poor citizens in order to pay the debt, and yet when there is debt relief these people "on the ground" cannot see its benefit. The tax-collectors withhold the money for their own health and educational benefits. In this way, therefore, a majority of citizens of the lowest income wage suffer more as their little amount of money is collected to pay the world debt and enrich the rich minority. Where is justice in situations like this? Mbilinyi goes on to narrate her eye witness:
The police used force to stop the demonstration. Three activists were arrested on the spot, including the staff member of Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), Daudi Kweba and two leaders of the National Youth Forum (Gwandumi Mwakatobe and Lito Kabwe), and bundled into police cars. A journalist from a major daily newspaper, Mtanzania, Jackton Manyerere, was severely beaten by police when he tried to pick up some fallen placards. The chairperson of TGNP, Demere Kitunga, was beaten at General Police Station when she arrived to bail out the others, and later arrested, along with three other members of TGNP. A total of seven activists were held and interrogated for six hours, and only released at nightfall after the intervention of five top human right lawyers.
Such brutality is an obvious example, self explanatory of the injustice oppression and suppression of the poor. Their human rights are violated by beatings and their freedom of expression is suppressed. It is in this sense I contend that, instead of supporting small fringe groups to alleviate poverty, the state joins hand with external structures of sin to perpetuate poverty in Tanzania. The principle of subsidiarity as we shall see in the fourth section stands as a model and tool for challenging such brutality.
Section two has been an attempt to show that the Tanzanian state’s authority, co-operates with foreign investors, who stretch their neo-liberal oppressive strategies in the country, in accelerating poverty by retaining secrecy about, and hindering small development groups of poor citizens from participating in, policy and decision making on SAPs. In the following section we will show with some concrete examples an appalling situation of poverty despite the introduction of SAPs in Tanzania

3. The increase of poverty in urban Tanzania: A study case in Dar-Es-Salaam

In his research, Lugalla presents us with a real picture of the life situation of the city of Dar-Es-Salaam. The most notable areas under a terrible poverty condition are the Vingunguti and Hananasif settlements, located alongside the Msimbazi river which divides the city into two parts - North and South. People living in these areas face the problems of housing that give rise to health risks, poor power and water supply, and many other related problems. Other problems such as unemployment give rise to corruption in different levels. This section seeks to lay out some indications of how the introduction of SAPs has minimal positive impact in poverty alleviation in Tanzania.

Lugalla tells us that in the areas of Hananasif and Vingunguti, most houses "are built of simple and impermanent material like mud, sticks, poles, mangrove trees, thatched grass and recycled metals". "The houses have small windows and therefore ventilation is poor". Since the area is over populated, houses "are build with space between them; small corridors or paths separate one residential unit from the other". This overcrowding gives rise to health risks. In these areas there are severe cases of "malaria, respiratory diseases, scabies, diarrhea, tuberculosis, influenza and meningitis".

Another problem facing the inhabitants of these areas is that of shortage of electric power. According to Lugalla’s findings, "Few houses have electricity. Seventy-one percent of the households surveyed have no electricity;… Since obtaining electricity connections is an expensive and cumbersome exercise, illegal power connections are common, contributing to life-threatening accidents".

In addition, "Most of the residents … do not have piped water in their houses". But since one cannot live without water, people living in these areas have to walk long distances to cue for water taps of their rich neighbours, who will charge them a lot of money for only a bucket of water. Those who cannot afford to buy sufficient and safe water for every domestic need are tempted to use the river water alongside which they inhabit. Those who use river water are always at risk of suffering from diarrhea and cholera. It is no wonder that, as far as I can tell, cholera recurs and kills many people in Dar-Es-Salaam almost every three to four years. Lugalla quotes one of the inhabitants of the area experiencing such problems:

The river is filthy. It accommodates everything — human remains, industrial waste and waste from Vingunguti abattoir flow into the river…. The whole river basin stinks. But a lot of us get our domestic water from there. I have no doubt that the several diseases we suffer are manufactured here. We are poor! We have no alternative. We have complained to the city fathers, some of them have even visited these areas and promised to do something but nothing has happened so far.…

These are just a few among many problems facing the poor of Hananasif and Vingunguti settlements, giving a real picture of other segregated areas of most cities in Tanzania. Professor Lugalla remarks that "these squatter settlements demonstrate in concrete terms how the state’s policies marginalize the urban poor as far as social services and other civic facilities are concerned". From the apparent signs of economic development noticed in Tanzanian major cities like Dar-Es-Salaam, one can assert that only a few people get richer and richer while the majority get poorer and poorer.

How exactly has the SAPs contributed to the worsening situation in the health and education sectors in Tanzania to the detriment of people’s survival? "Information from the Ministry of Health as well as the Planning Commission shows that there has been very little development in health infrastructure during the period of SAPs. In other words, pre-SAP policies are the ones which have been responsible for improving the accessibility (distance-wise) on health services". "But from 1986 to 1993, a post-SAP period of seven years, the increase was only 14,6.2, 0.7 percentages for hospitals, health centers and dispensaries, respectively".

SAPs have insisted on the reduction of government expenditures in these sectors. According to Lugalla, "Statistics show that aggregate central government expenditures on health fell by 9 percent in real terms between 1980 and 1987. The development budget for urban areas, as a percentage of the total development budget, began to decline in 1978-1979 when it was only 1.62 percent; the situation worsened in 1986-87, the year SAPs were adopted, when it was just 0.31 percent".
"Per capita spending on health declined by more than a third between 1980 and 1986…. According to the total financial requirements of the Priority Social Action Programme of 1989/90 to 1991/92, the percentage of the unfunded gap in health was 42.9, 67.4 and 63.5 for 1989/90, 1990/91 and 1991/92 respectively. The government’s ability to maintain, expand and or improve the health care system has declined tremendously, leading to serious deterioration of health services".
Consequently, people suffer and die of various bad conditions in the hospitals. For example, in some hospitals, patients have to share beds. Shortage of medicine due to curtailment of budget; poor salary which tempts competent doctors to move from government hospitals to private ones, and poverty are all factors contributing to these poor conditions. Poor salaries also encourages corruption. Hence, given the underlining factors for this poverty explained in the previous chapter, the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity are very significant in helping to maintain political and economic justice.


4. The principles of subsidiarity and solidarity

a) The Principle of Subsidiarity

i. Its origin and meaning

According to Paul Valley, the principle of subsidiarity was initially stated in 1931 by Pope Pius XI when he issued the Encyclical Quadragesimo Anno on the fortieth anniversary of Rerum Novarum. The initial admonition of the principle goes: "‘It is gravely wrong to take from individuals what they can accomplish by their own initiative and industry and give it to the community’". Pope Pius then went on to define this principle of subsidiarity:

‘Just as it is gravely wrong to take from the individuals what they can accomplish by their own initiative and industry and give it to the community, so also it is injustice and at the same time a grave evil and disturbance of right order to assign to a greater and higher association what lesser and subordinate organizations can do…. The supreme authority of the State ought, therefore, to let subordinate groups handle matters and concerns of lesser importance … those in power should be sure that the more perfectly a graduated order is kept among the various associations, in the observance of the principle of ‘subsidiarity of function’, the stronger social authority and effectiveness will be and the happier and more prosperous the condition of the State.

ii. The role of the State in the Welfare of its people

"Malfunctions and defects in the Social Assistance State are the result of an inadequate understanding of the tasks proper to the State". "It is a strict duty of justice and truth not to allow fundamental human needs to remain unsatisfied, and not to allow those burdened by such needs to perish". Vidal add by saying that "by reason of the principle of solidarity, the state has to … intervene. This intervention has to be planned and executed for the sake of the common good of the whole of society and especially in view of the rights of its weakest members".

According to the Catholic Social Teaching, the state has the duty to protect the common goods of its citizens who are not in a position to defend themselves against the exploitation of powerful market forces. Vidal comments that the "state has the duty to uphold a juridical framework to oversee the social actions of individuals and groups". In the case of Tanzania we have seen how through the introduction of SAPs the livelihood of workers, especially doctors and teachers through poor salary and redundancy, is affected. The state has to make sure that the workers are not affected by the market forces. In this sense the Pope John Paul II says, in Centisimus Annus that:

It is the task of the State to provide for the defence and preservation of common goods such as the natural and human environments, which cannot be safeguarded simply by market forces. Just as in the time of primitive capitalism the State had the duty of defending the basic rights of workers, so now, with the new capitalism, the State and all of society have the duty of defending those collective goods which, among others, constitute the essential framework for the legitimate pursuit of personal goals on the part of each individual.

Furthermore, of paramount importance is the state’s task of supportive care of people who are affected by unemployment and others who have never had any decent job to sustain their lives. When such kinds of people come together to form development associations to improve their living conditions, the state should not suppress but support them. It has to provide the kind of support that includes their freedom of participation in matters of policy making. Hence, John Paul II says the state has the duty of "overseeing and directing the exercise of human rights in the economic sector" by realizing that small groups and associations have the role and capacity for running development projects. On this token, the pope adds that:

the primary responsibility in this area belongs not to the State but to individuals and to the various groups and associations which make up society. The State could not directly ensure the right to work for all its citizens unless it controlled every aspect of economic life and restricted free initiative of individuals. This does not mean, however, that the State has no competence in this domain, as was claimed by those who argued against any rules in the economic sphere. Rather, the State has a duty to sustain business activities where they are lacking or by supporting them in moments of crisis.

While state has the power to govern and intervene in what the small groups do it has to realize that it cannot fulfil all the necessary requirements of every citizen without entering into solidarity with them. In this sense it has to trust and respect the initiatives of small groups in development strategies. In other words, it has to cooperate with its citizens democratically by hearing their complaints about wrong or oppressive policies. Furthermore, it has to trust their talents and initiatives in improving their poor life situation. For this reason, the principle of subsidiarity has to be respected for, as Baitu comments:

…it enhances the democratisation process since it implies delegation of competence and power within the entire citizenry. It guarantees the process of empowerment of minority groups and weaker individuals so that they can responsibly fulfil their respective duties and contribute to their own well being and the common good of society. It also imposes timely checks and balances in those cases in which individuals or minor organisations fail to realise their duties either because of incapability or negligence and disregard.

There is, indeed, a violation of basic human rights explained in terms of values. Hollenbanch cites the American economist Okun as saying that human "values — such as political rights of citizens, the basic conditions of survival … and the honour and recognition due to genuine human excellence — should not be up for sale. These … values … ‘are the glue that holds society together". In Okun’s views, it is the imperialism of the market forces that plays a major role in the violation of these human values and rights. Such values and rights must be protected through another essential Christian principle known as Solidarity.

b) The Principle of Solidarity

The fact that men and women in various parts of the world feel personally affected by the injustices and violations of human rights committed in distant countries … is a further sign of a reality transformed into awareness, thus acquiring a moral connotation. It is above all a question of interdependence, sensed as a system determining relationships in the contemporary world, in its economic, cultural, political and religious elements, and thus accepted as a moral category. When interdependence becomes recognised in this way, the correlative response as a moral and social attitude, as a ‘virtue’, is solidarity. This then is not a feeling of vague compassion or shallow distress at the misfortunes of many people…. On the contrary, it is a firm and persevering determination to commit oneself to the common good; that is to say to the good of all and of each individual, because we are all really responsible for all.

Commenting on this principle, Vidal says that one of the characteristic features of solidarity is "to make people, through social institutions and structures, come together not only as a group of free and equal subjects for the sake of self-regarding exchange, but also from a certain sympathy and out of the real desire to collaborate in order to satisfy the interests of all the group". "In this sense", he goes on to say, "the principle of solidarity radicalizes the value of sociability: this is not only the fruit of the contact between free and equal subjects having a value in themselves . . . but also the result of the ethical consideration of all subjects as bearers of mutual dependence that makes them feel themselves to be co-sharers in the situation of all".

In other words, solidarity fosters "equality" in the sense that it "shows which side one has placed oneself on in order to make unjust inequalities disappear and inevitable inequalities be taken into account through a preference that emphasizes the axiological value of the weakest". Baitu stresses this point saying that "The more fortunate members of society feel responsible for the weaker ones and readily share their possessions with them". Thus, solidarity is to be understood as the principle that challenges the exploitation of economically "weak" states by stronger ones and, furthermore, the greed of the powerful elite within those economically "weak" states.

According to Baitu the principle of solidarity as expressed in the Catholic Social Teaching cautions that "The weaker ones, on their part, do not adopt a purely passive attitude or destructive tendencies, but aim at contributing to the common good according to their ability". Quoting John Paul II, Valley comments that the economically strong states have the duty to help the poor who are not responsible for their poverty. At the same time solidarity demands that the rich states should not lack moderation in the intervention. Although Valley sees a kind of tension between the avoidance of passivity and dependence on the side of the poor and lack of moderate intervention by market forces as expressed by the pope, he makes the point that the "common good requires an accommodation between these two necessities which will ratchet standards up rather than driving them down".

Baitu explains that it is important to understand solidarity is not a principle which encourages violence. Although "solidarity recognises the noble and just struggle for justice", it discourages opting for violence as "a solution to social, political and economic injustices". As we have seen above, when the activist of TGNP were brutalised, there was no appeal to force, but it was through the challenge and diplomacy of human right lawyers that the victims of injustice were released to the shame of the oppressors. Solidarity "is incompatible with violence because violence destroys what it claims to defend - human life, the social fabric and property. Solidarity aims at disarming hearts of hatred and selfishness".

Baitu makes one other comment worth considering in our analysis of the principle of solidarity. He says that in the principle of solidarity:

there lies a clear protection of the regular rights and competence of individuals against excessive domination by the society, as well as the protection of the competencies of minor associations against oppressive and totalitarian claims of the larger society. It is opposed to the excessive power of organisations as well as the omnipotence of the state. Subsidiarity is a therapeutic measure against society ills such as centralisation, bureaucratisation and depersonalisation, all of which are observable in varying magnitude all over Africa south of the Sahara.

In brief, the principle of subsidiarity serves to challenge the secretiveness and oppression by both the state and international organization and to defend and promote human rights of participation in poverty alleviation plans, and development. It goes hand in hand with solidarity and another fundamental principle according to the Catholic Social Teaching stating that "there exists some shared or public values which transcend the rights of individuals." These principles stress justice through challenging economic exploitation. They promote equality, mutual responsibility and participation for integral human development to ensure the well being of every human person.

5. A theological response

From the analysis above, the SAPs operate in Tanzania with a minimal positive impact on the intended people. There are people who "glorify" these programmes because they are the beneficiaries. The majority of the people, however, seem to suffer more under the operation of SAPs than before. Most of them do not deny their importance; rather they simply seek to challenge the intentions and manners in which they are implemented. There is no transparency in the planning and policy making because, as Hinkelammeert observes from the perspective of Latin America, "These adjustments are the condition imposed on the world for the sake of the functioning of the economics of global capital accumulation".

According to Schreiter, "one of the challenges of the coming decades will be to create a more humane form of globalization. What is meant here is . . .an extending to a greater share of the world’s population the positive aspects of globalization, and a drastic reduction of its negative effects on the world’s poor who now experience exclusion and further degradation of their lives". According to Valley, there lies a task ahead of shunning all sorts of prejudices and biases against the poor and to look for "a more inclusive society in which all are empowered and encouraged to participate. Subsidiarity requires greater participation in the processes of government in ways which give ordinary people greater say in their lives; the common good requires more transparency in government to enable greater accountability".

Schreiter reiterates the point made by John Paul II on the social teaching, which calls for "a globalization of solidarity … a globalization in which no one is left behind excluded. In the globalization of solidarity, the poor are not deserted and workers are not disenfranchised. Rather, the dignity of each human person is respected, and the quality of life for all is enhanced".

Finally, in connection to this principle of solidarity, Baitu makes an interesting sociological observation from the point of view of Africa. He draws an analogy between Solidarity and "the African principle of communality". Communality stands as one of the solid basis for African ethics, as each member of a clan has the task "to contribute to its common". "The clan has to ensure and enable the self-actualisation of every one of its members. Whatever is done at all levels must be explained in this perspective of strengthening and cherishing the growth of integral life of individual members and the whole community". African politicians and leaders, though also caught up by the web of neo-liberal capitalism, need to recapture this form of solidarity-communality whose underlying values of responsibility, participation, and care for one another contradict individualism and exploitation, but rather serve to build a just society of love where each person can have an access to the basic human needs.


This essay has attempted to demonstrate the real picture of the devastating increase of poverty in Tanzania, irrespective of the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programmes. SAPs have shown the signs of a slightly improving economy of the Tanzania, albeit only benefiting minority, while leaving the masses under sheer poverty. Poverty increases when there is lack of support of small developmental organizations such as TGNP hindering their participation in the SAPs strategies and policy making. A totality of this blockage, lack of transparency associated with oppression and suppression depict the exploitative nature of both the international financial organizations and the Tanzanian state’s authority which accelerate poverty. The Christian principles of subsidiarity, solidarity, and the common good stand as essential modes and tools for challenging such injustices. They promote a society where there is equal participation in developmental affairs in order that each and every person has their basic human needs attended to, and has their human dignity respected.


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--------------- Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus (On the Hundredth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum), May 1, 1991.

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-------------------- The New Catholicity: Theology Between the Global and the Local. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1997. Statement from Gender Groups of Chief Executives of the World Bank/IMF at their Meeting in Dar-es-Salaam. A text found the Website, See also

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Joe L.P Lugalla, "Economic Reforms and Health Conditions of the Urban poor in Tanzania", University of New Hampshire. (Text found in the Website, www. google. com).

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

5 "The government is dependent on donors and creditors for the majority of its development budget and, to survive, it must heed its creditors and donors. There are fewer incentives to heed the cries of citizens — especially the poor and disadvantaged". Globalization Challenge Initiative, Year 2000 Country Profile: "STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAM (SAP) ALERT: THE STATUS OF TANZANIA WITH THE IMF AND WORLD BANK", An endorsement of the Government of Tanzania’s Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) by the Executive Boards of the IMF and World Bank, November 22, 2000. Text found in the Website ( Hereafter cited — Globalization Challenge Initiative, (SAP) ALERT, (

6 Ibid.

7 "Citizen ‘participation for validation’ of the PRSP arises when donors and creditors, especially the IMF and World Bank, negotiate with the GOT in secret and fail to disclose agreements and commitments to the public. This was the case in Tanzania". Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid.

10 Those plans include the "IMF and World Bank Action in March 2000, which structured a debt relief operation for the GOT [through the Highly Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) Initiative] and set the terms and conditions of such relief"; the "IMF Action in April 2000, which extended a $181 million structural adjustment loan [through the IMF Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF)] to the GOT. To secure the loan, the GOT agreed to execute a multitude of policies"; the "World Bank Action in June 2000, which extended a $290 million structural adjustment loan to the GOT. The World Bank's policy does not require disclosure of information about this loan;" and the "Tanzania's macroeconomic and structural policy framework, which provides the basis for the PRSP. Although this framework was disclosed as a ‘Policy Matrix’ in the Interim PRSP process, it is not disclosed in the PRSP process. It is secret. It is replaced by a ‘Logical Frame’ that removes and dilutes information about policy conditionality". Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 "The excessive number of policy prescriptions, or conditions, attached to the new loans and debt relief amount to micromanagement of the GOT. Tanzania's ‘Policy Matrix, 2000-2002’, which was appended to the Interim PRSP lists approximately 157 policies that the Government of Tanzania will be pressured to implement during this time period. In addition, there are more than 20 policy conditions linked to debt relief, ten policy conditions linked to the World Bank's Country Assistance Strategy (CAS), and additional conditions linked to IMF and World Bank-financed structural adjustment loans". Ibid.

13 Ibid.

14 Marjorie Mbilinyi’s statement about the meeting held by the IMF and World Bank representatives and the Tanzanian government leaders at their meeting in Dar es Salaam early 2001. See Statement from Gender Groups of Chief Executives of the World Bank/IMF at their Meeting in Dar es Salaam. A text in the website, See also

15 Ibid.

16 Lugalla, "Economic Reforms and Health Conditions of the Urban poor in Tanzania",

17 Ibid.

18 "For example, between 1967 to 1985 the number of hospitals increased from 116 to 152 (an increase of about 31 percent). Health centers increased from 46 to 260 (an increase of 465 percent) and dispensaries increased from 1237 to 2852 (an increase of 131 percent) during the same period". Ibid.

19 United Republic of Tanzania: Selected Statistical Series. Bureau of Statistics, 1995:85. Quoted by Lugalla in "Economic Reforms and Health Conditions of the Urban poor in Tanzania",

20 Lugalla, "Economic Reforms and Health Conditions of the Urban poor in Tanzania",

21 Ibid.

22 "The moral code of conduct of most of the doctors has been eroded by inflation and the high cost of living … corruption has become deeply entrenched. A majority of the medical personnel is investing more time in private practice and other sideline income generating activities than in public services. This is a new trend of behavior which was not evident during the pre-SAPs period". Ibid.

23 Paul Valley, "Towards a New Politics:Catholic Social Teaching in a Pluralistic Society", in The New Politics: Catholic Social Teaching for the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Paul Valley. (London: SCM Press, 1998), 8.

24 Pius XI, Encyclical Letter Quadragesimo Anno (On the Reconstruction of the Social Order), May 15, 1931, 79-80.

25John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus Annus (On the Hundredth Anniversary of Rerum Novarum), May 1, 1991, 48.

26Ibid., 34.

27 Marciano, Vidal, "The Free Market Economy and the Crisis of the Welfare", in Concilium, (Outside the Market no Salvation?). Edited by Dietmar Mieth and Marciano Vidal. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, (1997/2): 105.

28 Vidal, "The Free Market Economy and the Crisis of the Welfare State", 105.

29 Centesimus Annus, 40.

30 Ibid, 48.

31 Jevenalis Baitu, "Christian Ethical Principles and Societal Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa", in African Christian Studies, vol. 15, no.1, (March, 1999), 5.

32 David, Hollenbach, "The Market and Catholic Social Teaching", in Concilium. Edited by Dietmar Mieth and Marciano Vidal. Maryknoll: Orbis Books, (1997/2): 75.

33 See Ibid.

34 John Paul II. Encyclical Letter Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (On Social Concern), December 30, 1987. no. 38.

35 Vidal, "The Free Market Economy and the Crisis of the Welfare State", 108-109.

36 Ibid., 109.

37 Ibid.

38 Baitu, "Christian Ethical Principles and Societal Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa", 2.

39 Sollicitudo Rei Socilis, nos.11-26 quoted by Baitu, "Christian Ethical Principles and Societal Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa", 2.

40 Valley, "Towards a New Politics:Catholic Social Teaching in a Pluralistic Society", 163.

41 Baitu, "Christian Ethical Principles and Societal Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa", 3.

42 Ibid., 4.

43 Clifford Longley, "Structures of Sin and the Free Market: John Paul II on Capitalism", in The New Politics: Catholic Social Teaching for the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Paul Valley. (London: SCM Press, 1998), 99.

44 Franz Hinkelammert, "Globalization as Cover-Up: An Ideology to Disguise and Justify Current Wrongs", The General Dimensions of Globolization, edited by John Sobrino and Felix Wilfred, London: SCM Press, in Concilium, (2001/5): 28.

45 Robert Schreiter, "Toward the Missionary Church of 2025: The Past and the Future: (The Globalization of Solidarity)", See the Website

46 Valley, "Towards a New Politics:Catholic Social Teaching in a Pluralistic Society", 161.

47 Schreiter, "Toward the Missionary Church of 2025: The Past and the Future".

48 Baitu, "Christian Ethical Principles and Societal Problems in Sub-Saharan Africa", 3.


Ref.: Text from the Author. Given for the SEDOS publication on September 2003.